This thesis investigates the variation of voiceless velar stop (k) within the Rijāl Almaʕ Arabic dialect, analysing its shift between the local variant [x] and the supra-local variant [k]. To achieve this, the thesis adopts a multi-dimensional approach, examining both acoustic and articulatory properties of (k) alongside patterns of sociolinguistic variation in its production and perception. Acoustic analysis, which includes auditory assessments, visual inspection of waveforms and spectrograms, as well as measurements of duration and rise time, indicates a clear tendency to replace the local variant of (k) with the supra-local variant [k]. However, the change is not limited to a simple binary distinction between local and supra-local forms; there are also intermediate variants present. These findings highlight the importance of acoustic analysis in understanding linguistic change.
Focusing on the acoustic characteristics of the local variant of (k), the results from F2 and COG measurements were not sufficient to definitively clarify its place of articulation. To address this limitation, an ultrasound tongue imaging study was conducted to compare the fricative realisation of (k) with six other voiceless fricatives and the velar stop /k/ as a reference. The results indicate a velar place of articulation as the target for the local fricative variant of (k), contrasting with previous suggestions that have classified it as either uvular [χ] or post-palatal [x̟]. The results further suggest that vowel context influences this articulation, however, the degree of this influence varies among speakers, highlighting the complex and speaker-specific nature of phonetic variability.
Building on the acoustic evidence, a third study explores the factors influencing variation in realisation of (k), focusing on both internal linguistic factors and external social influences. The results indicate that the shift toward the supra-local form is driven by younger females and those in more open social networks.
As for internal factors, while the supra-local variant [k] appears across all phonological environments, it is preferred in onset and medial positions as well as before back vowels. In contrast, the local variant is more restricted, primarily occurring before front vowels and in coda positions.
Finally, a Social Category Association Test (SCAT) study examines the relative sociolinguistic salience of these variants of (k) and points to the role salience plays in linguistic variation and change. The results confirm that the local variant of (k) is highly salient. Furthermore, the women leading the shift toward the supra-local form are also the most aware of these variants and their associated social meanings. These findings contribute to our understanding of the ongoing process of language variation and change within Rijāl Almaʕ, particularly the interaction between acoustic properties, social factors, and perception in shaping language variation.
