A Sociolinguistic Investigation of Banū Yām Dialect in Naǧrān, Southern Arabia

This sociolinguistic study examines variation and change in the use of four traditional linguistic features of the Banū Yām dialect, as spoken in two areas (Badr al-Ǧanūb and Hadada) in Naǧrān, southwest Saudi Arabia. The research sample comprises 32 speakers, 16 males, and 16 females from two age groups (old and young) in both areas. The first linguistic variable examined describes the second person singular feminine suffix (k) and its variants [k] and [š]. The second describes the second person singular masculine perfect suffix (hant) and its variants [hant] vs [t]. The final one involves two demonstrative pronouns; the demonstrative near singular pronouns (ḏīyya) and (tīyya) for masculine and feminine respectively and their variants [ḏīyya] vs [haḏa] and [tīyya] vs [haḏɪ] respectively.
The data was collected via sociolinguistic and discourse completion task (DCT) interviews, and a quantitative mixed logistic regression analysis was performed via Rbrul, examining data drawn from the interviews. In the case of suffix (k), the result shows change towards the koineised urban variety [k]. This change is being led by younger women in the less isolated area (Badr al-Ǧanūb) and by young men in the more isolated area (Hadada). In addition, the result reveals that for the suffix (hant), age is significant, and younger speakers use the urbanised form significantly more than older speakers. Moreover, gender is also significant in that male speakers typically use the traditional suffix [hant] more than females.

Finally, the analysis of the demonstrative variables (ḏīyya) and (tīyya) shows that the social factors of age and location, have a significant effect on the use of the variants. Young speakers typically use the diminutive feature [ḏīyya] less than old speakers in both communities, but more so in the less isolated community. With regard to the final variable (tīyya), the data showed that gender has a significant effect on the variation uncovered, along with age and location. Young speakers and female speakers tend to use the diminutive feature [ḏīyya] less frequently than old speakers and male speakers in both communities.